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Mr. Quinn is a United States Army veteran. It has taken me a while to realize something. Seventeen years ago, I saw a picture of Mohamed Atta for the first time, and my blood boiled from the sound of his voice emanating from the television, as he said over the airplane’s intercom system: “We have some planes, just stay quiet and you’ll be O.K. We are returning to the airport.” Instead, he crashed it between the 93rd and 99th floors of the World Trade Center’s north tower. My 23-year-old brother, James, was on the 102nd floor. Staring at that picture of Atta, I would have visions of what my brother’s final moments were like. I would envision my asthmatic brother slowly succumbing to smoke inhalation on the flat, gray corporate rug of his Cantor Fitzgerald office — trapped, climbing upward and afraid for the entire 102 minutes before the tower’s collapse. Glaring at Atta’s photo, I’d imagine my brother’s body buckling, falling, crumpling, burning, melting, and in that moment of imagination, my entire being wanted revenge against the people who did this.
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A Background Analysis Of Rapid Products Of
In fact, a better understanding of Harrington’s career and ideas tells us a lot about the future of today’s re-energized democratic socialists. Born in St. Louis in 1928, Harrington moved to New York in 1949, where soon after he joined the socialist movement. By the 1960s, his political views were grounded in two core principles: First, that in the label “democratic socialist,” the two words merited equal emphasis, and that it was, indeed, impossible to have genuine socialism without democracy. And second, that democratic socialists should function as the “left-wing of the possible” in American politics, committed to coalition-building around common goals with progressives outside their own ranks, including the labor, civil rights, environmental and feminist movements, as well as the liberal wing of the Democratic Party. But that was later. In the 1950s, Harrington was young, brash and impatient with elders in the socialist movement. Feeling cut off from real impact on American society in an era hostile to any form of radical expression, he was sustained by the satisfactions of left-sectarianism, the kind of sandbox revolutionary posturing that the sociologist Daniel Bell (himself a socialist in his youth) described as “the illusions of settling the fate of history, the mimetic combat on the plains of destiny, and the vicarious sense of power in demolishing opponents.” At one forum in New York City in the mid-1950s on the future of socialism, Harrington haughtily accused the editors of the left-wing journal Dissent, the event’s sponsors, of seeking to “convert college sophomores into exhausted old men.” (The principal “exhausted old” editor of Dissent, Irving Howe, was in his mid-30s at the time, not quite eight years Harrington’s senior.) As Harrington grew older, he tired of the dank self-righteousness and sharp-elbowed polemical style of left sectarianism. How one argues, Harrington came to understand, was as important as what one argued. Writing in 1962 in Dissent, where he was now an editor, he warned radical elders not to react too hastily when they heard students in the nascent New Left espousing naïve or wrongheaded views about, say, the Castro regime in Cuba. Those views “must be faced and changed,” he wrote, but “the persuasion must come from someone who is actually involved in changing the status quo” and “has a sympathy for the genuine and good emotions which are just behind the bad theories.” Famously and unfortunately, within a few months, Harrington proceeded to ignore his own better instincts, denouncing the founders of the new campus group Students for a Democratic Society for espousing what he regarded as insufficiently anti-Communist views (a fair criticism of the group in the later 1960s, when I was a member, but way off the mark in 1962).
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